Myron Hutchinson Silverthorn: Erie County Servant Leader

A little-known, yet noteworthy figure in Erie County history, Myron Hutchinson Silverthorn served two terms as a legislator in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives from 1879-1882. Silverthorn’s damning testimony in a Pennsylvania Railroad bribery scandal helped convict fellow Republican legislators and lobbyists. His independent thinking and disaffection from the traditional Republican party ultimately cost Silverthorn his political career in Harrisburg, but afterward, he continued vital public service.

It was during [Silverthorn’s] first term that his name was immortalized as the great political reformer of Erie county. The stupendous Pittsburg riot bill no. 103 was being agitated and lobbyists were pulling wires, and if successful it meant the payment of several million dollars by the State. The member from Erie was the chief factor in its defeat, which made this vast saving to the taxpayers (Nelson’s 1896).

Silverthorn was an early servant leader in Erie County—someone who “begins with the natural feeling that one wants to serve, to serve first. Then conscious choice brings one to aspire to lead. That person is sharply different from one who is leader first, perhaps because of the need to assuage an unusual power drive or to acquire material possessions…” (Greenleaf 1977).

Myron Silverthorn was born in Fairview Township on June 19, 1827, the grandson of one of four brothers who came to Erie County when the region was largely wilderness. In 1850, while following the family’s farming tradition, Myron married Mary Ann Russell, daughter of David Russell, a prominent landowner in Fairview. The couple lived on the Russell family farm and when David died in 1859 with Mary Ann the only heir, the property then became known as the Silverthorn Farm. 

After several years as a gentleman farmer, Myron felt the call to public service, and in 1867 he took the office of justice of the peace. Then, he served two terms (1870-75) as county commissioner, shaking up the cronies in the courthouse. Silverthorn then decided to run for state office. 

On June 20, 1878, the Erie Morning Dispatch reported, “Mr. Silverthorn made such a faithful and efficient County Commissioner that his numerous friends will require no pledge that he will satisfactorily represent them at Harrisburg, if elected.” And on July 2, “He is a man of high intelligence, successful in business, and commanding respect of all who know him.”

As citizens went to the polls on November 5, 1878, the Dispatch lauded, “The success of Mr. Silverthorn as a County Commissioner, his thoroughness of administration, his success in recovering back dues so long withheld from the county, and his reform in the mode of assessments, were rewarded by a second term, then a rare compliment. He has thus become well fitted for the position of Representative, because he understands the county’s interests and necessities.”

Silverthorn was successful in his bid to Pennsylvania legislature as was the entire Republican ticket. According to the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette the following day, Republicans won the state by 25,000 votes, and 2,000 in Erie County alone.

During his service as a state representative, Silverthorn was a member of the Ways & Means committee. The Harrisburg Telegraph on January 30, 1879, reported that he had read a supplement to an act to exempt from taxation public property owned by places of worship, exempting this taxation during the course of building structures as well. In February, he introduced a bill to provide better security from damages of coal and petroleum oils. He was also pivotal in legislature involving fishing practices in Lake Erie.

The Pittsburgh Riot Bill Bribery Scandal

Just a few months into his first term in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, Myron Silverthorn’s sense of responsibility placed him in the middle of one of the biggest scandals in Pennsylvania legislative history. Many citizens supported him, but some doubted his intentions when with the guidance of a fellow representative, he played the role of detective in a “pay-for-vote” scheme. 

The trouble started in Pittsburgh during the summer of 1877. According to the History of Allegheny County (1888), the Pennsylvania Railroad Company decided to cut expenses by introducing the practice of combining two freight trains into one, creating what it termed a “double-ender.” This strategy would eliminate the employment of one conductor and two brakemen for each combination made, effectively cutting the railroad’s freight workforce in half. 

The employees protested in vain, and then they started organizing. On Thursday, July 19, 1877, the first day that several double-enders were to go into service, there was no one to operate them. In addition to striking, the freight employees positioned themselves along the tracks and throughout the yards to ensure no one else would be able to operate the offending machines. 

Local law enforcement was hindered, because the strikers had gained the sympathy of the community. The citizens already felt that the Pennsylvania Railroad shipping methods discriminated against their city. In addition, citizens refused to serve as special policemen against their neighbors and friends. 

After two days of unrest, Pennsylvania’s governor, John F. Hartranft, at the request of the railroad, ordered military intervention, consisting of infantry, cavalry, and artillery—including two Gatling guns. When the troops tried to disperse the crowd, they were struck with stones, incurring significant injuries. This brought scattered fire from the military, resulting in a number of people being wounded and killed. 

Protesters fanned out through the city, looting and breaking into gun shops. Meanwhile, rioters were setting fire to the trains and freight cars. By Sunday afternoon, many Pittsburgh citizens had had enough of the destruction and began to side with the Railroad. But it was too late. Once ruffians from outside Pittsburgh heard about the mayhem, they arrived in droves. Soon freight cars and businesses alike were being looted and the streets were filled with people toting hams, sacks of flour, and dry goods. 

By the time calm had been restored on Sunday, July 22nd, a total of 25 persons were dead (including some militia), and 1,383 freight cars, 104 locomotives, and 66 passenger cars were destroyed. The grain elevator, Union Depot, and hotel had burned. Railroad losses totaled $2,500,000 and losses to private property about $150,000 (History of Allegheny County 1888).

In 1879, Bill 103, known as the riot bill, was introduced in the state legislature to have the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, rather than the city of Pittsburgh and surrounding Allegheny county, pay for the riot’s damages. Legitimate pro and con opinions existed for this bill but those who had incurred losses in the riot decided to ensure the bill’s passage by bribing legislators to vote for it. The reasons why the claimants preferred that the state pay the damages isn’t clear, but perhaps they reasoned that the state had deeper pockets than the county and consequently was more likely to pay the full amount of their claims. News began circulating that legislators were being bribed for their votes. 

The Erie Observer reported on March 6, 1879 that the Pennsylvania Railroad had been enticing numerous press outlets to all write the same content, making it seem from different office holders’ positions that public sentiment supported the $4 million bill. The newpaper claimed that the damages totaled only $2 million and the remainder was being used to pay off the press, the legislature, the lobby, the lawyers, and others. The Erie Morning Dispatch reported on March 7th that a Philadelphia taxpayer committee was circulating a pamphlet warning about possible corruption and bribery surrounding the riot bill.

In April 1879, a special committee was formed in the House of Representatives to investigate the alleged bribes and every member of the House was interrogated.

Myron Silverthorn’s testimony on April 30 was central in incriminating William H. Kemble, a former Republican state treasurer, and at that time the president of the Peoples Bank of Philadelphia, the president of the Philadelphia Street Railroad, and the chief lobbyist for the Pennsylvania Railroad.

An excerpt from the Philadelphia Times in the May 8, 1879 Erie Observer offered rich detail on Silverthorn’s testimony regarding his interactions with Kemble; William F. Rumberger, a representative from Armstrong County; Alfred Short, a fellow Erie County representative; and Charles S. Wolfe, a representative from Union County.

[Myron Silverthorn] is a representative from Erie, a man of fair address, and told his story right along without halting. It was in substance as follows: About the 2d of April he arrived here after a visit home, when W.F. Rumberger, representative from Armstrong, approached him with the question, ‘Would you like to make some money?’ ‘That depends on circumstances,’ was the reply. ‘There’s a chance to make some,’ said Rumberger, ‘out of the Riot bill. I am to have fifteen hundred dollars for voting, and I’ll give you half of it for voting with me.’ Silverthorn said he would take a few minutes to think about it, and forthwith went down, and without Rumberger, consulted his colleague, Mr. Short to whom he said: ‘Now, here’s an opportunity to verify what I’ve all along suspected, that money is being used in behalf of this bill. What do you advise me to do about it?’

Short felt unable to give advice in such a ticklish matter, and it was agreed to consult Wolfe. Mr. Wolfe heard the story and said to Silverthorn: ‘You will be justified in doing anything to expose  such corruption. My advice is to accept the proposition, and find out who is to give money.’ When Silverthorn and Rumberger next met the latter said: ‘Well, what have you concluded to do about it?’ Silverthorn said that he had concluded to go with him. ‘Then,’ said Rumberger, ‘they want to see you at headquarters.’ Forthwith these worthy members walked to the Brady House. They went up stairs. Rumberger introduced Silverthorn to Kemble and went downstairs, leaving them together. Silverthorn told Kemble that he had not made up his mind what to do about the bill. ‘Well,’ said Kemble, ‘if you support the bill whatever is arranged between you and Rumberger I will see it’s paid.’ When Silverthorn went down Rumberger said to him: ‘Did you see me put that piece of paper in Kemble’s hand? Well, I had written seven hundred and fifty dollars on it. The customary price is five hundred dollars. That is what they are in the habit of paying, but out of respect for you I’ve increased the amount $250.’

In telling the story, Silverthorn said: ‘Rumberger made me promise never to tell, but, of course, I lied about that.’ He reported these things to Wolfe and Short who advised him to go ahead. Up to that time he had voted against the bill. He voted for it on the second reading with the understanding that he was to receive his pay then, but the money was not forthcoming. When he complained he was told that Kemble had gone home. He then said, ‘If I don’t get the money, I don’t vote with you any longer; this is a good chance to reclaim myself.’ Wolfe had told him to get part of the money at least and hold on to it, for that was evidence not to be disputed. Soon after he told Rumberger that he had backed out and told Wolfe, whereupon Rumberger repudiated the transaction, and said he never offered him any money.

Silverthorn said that, at his first interview with Kemble, the latter gave him a note to Elisha Davis, of the House. He never delivered it and now produced the original as follows: ‘Dear Lish: Try and pair all our absentees. Silverthorn will try and pair Short and Kinkaid. W.H.K.’

. . .  Representative Short, of Erie and Wolfe, of Union, followed in corroboration of Silverthorn’s story in every particular. He had acted on their advice from first to last.

Several other witnesses reported that they had also been approached with bribes, but Silverthorn was the only one who possessed damning physical evidence in the form of a handwritten note.

The Erie Morning Dispatch on May 9th reported on Rumberger’s testimony that it was actually Silverthorn who indicated his vote could be bought. His account of the meetings that followed agreed with Silverthorn’s testimony, but not the content of what was said. Rumberger did admit that he offered Silverthorn half of what he was receiving and also shared that he thought if the bill did not pass, it would mean the end of the Republican party in 1880. Rumberger testified that Silverthorn stopped talking to him on the advice of Wolfe. 

When the Harrisburg Patriot criticized Silverthorn’s actions, several newspapers came quickly to his defense as reported by the Erie Morning Dispatch on May 14, 1879. The Patriot had criticized Silverthorn for trying to bait his colleagues into dishonesty and for opening the note that Kemble gave him. The Girard Cosmopolite argued that the note was given to Silverthorn in an unfolded state and that it was Silverthorn who folded it and put it in his pocket, and knowing that he was in disagreement with the transaction, he did not deliver it to Colonel Elisha Davis, who was a member of the House and chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. “All friends of government and legislation should certainly applaud Mr. Silverthorn’s course in this matter instead of censuring him.” The Corry Herald stated that Silverthorn and Short deserved “moral support and encouragement” for their stand against bribery. The Erie Observersaid the Patriot’s attack was uncalled for and that Silverthorn had every right to open a note that contained a reference to himself. 

As expected, many Republicans were not pleased that Silverthorn had gone against his own party. In early June when Charles Wolfe wanted to expel three accused members from the House for their roles in the riot bill corruption, the Philadelphia Times reported that Mr. Wolfe would be “weakened in his fight” by his association with Silverthorn, who was in “the most unenviable position of having been a mixture of detective and rooster and apparently ready to follow either side as interest might dictate.” 

In an article entitled, “Slandering Silverthorn,” on June 12, 1879, the Erie Observer reported that in a debate at the House in Harrisburg, Elisha Davis, to whom the note was to be delivered, called Silverthorn a spy and faulted him for retaining a private note and “luring a fellow member to his destruction.” Representative Wolfe stated that if it had not been for Silverthorn, they never would have been able to pursue a conviction on those involved in the bribery scheme. 

On August 26, 1879, the Erie Morning Dispatch reported that in Harrisburg criminal court, Judge John J. Pearson had charged a grand jury to “bring true bills against any person or persons who offered or accepted or agreed to accept bribes of any kind, and if the commonwealth cannot produce witnesses to establish the facts, to ignore the bills.” A true bill is a written decision of a grand jury that it has decided there is sufficient evidence to support an indictment.

The grand jury found enough evidence to proceed against the following:

• C. Clarke (representative, Philadelphia)
• Jesse R. Crawford (former assistant superintendent of public grounds)
• William H. Kemble (head of the lobby for the riot bill, attorney for Pennsylvania Railroad Company, president of People’s Bank of Philadelphia, and former state treasurer) 
• Alexander W. Leisenring (president of the First National Bank of Mauch Chunk (now Jim Thorpe, in Carbon County)
• Christian K. Long (wealthy land speculator, Cumberland County)
• E.J. McCune (banker, Cumberland County)
• Emile J. Petroff (representative, Philadelphia)
• William F. Rumberger (representative, Armstrong County)
• Charles B. Salter (secretary to Elisha Davis and ex-member of the House, Philadelphia)
• Dr. C. Shoemaker (former quarantine physician, Dauphin County)
• George F. Smith (representative, Philadelphia)

Judge Pearson granted a continuance to the accused so they could prepare their defense. Court was scheduled to resume in November. 

In the meantime, Myron Silverthorn, Alfred Short, and Charles Wolfe received an unwelcome surprise. The Erie Morning Dispatch reported on September 2nd that the grand jury had presented their names for indictment to District Attorney Elias Hollinger for, “conspiring to advise and promote corrupt solicitation of members of the legislature.” The article stated, “it will be remembered that they [Silverthorn, Short, and Wolfe] are the three members of the Legislature through whose shrewdness and courage the infamous scheme of bribery was laid bare, and the persons concerned in it held up to public scorn and indignation. A Reading Times article on September 1st reported that although the district attorney had asked for process against the men, Judge Pearson said that he wished to give the matter careful consideration before acting on it. 

The Erie Morning Dispatch  on September 3rd ran an excerpt from the Philadelphia Bulletin, which took the following position: 

When a lobbyist approaches an honest Representative with an offer of bribery the latter is justified both by his duty to society and his right to avenge a personal insult, to permit the briber to look upon him as a willing victim until he has obtained evidence enough to secure his punishment. In such a case there can be no plea that an innocent man has been seduced to do wrong. There is only a case of a bad man being permitted to think that he is doing the evil that he wants to do. The lobbyist is caught simply because he happened to approach the wrong man; he merely made a blunder in his method of perpetrating the crime upon which he was bent.

On September 23, 1879, the Lancaster Daily Intelligencer reported on its interview with Alfred Short in which he denied that the three men had been indicted, that rather, the grand jury “merely suggested” their indictment. Short said he saw this as a counterattack and an attempt for those accused to draw attention away from themselves. The reporter asked for his account of the circumstances. Short said that before his election to the House, he wasn’t acquainted with Silverthorn at all, but once they got to know each other in Harrisburg, Silverthorn was a frequent visitor in his home. 

The two men had conversations in which they speculated that money was being used to influence votes for the riot bill and around April 2nd, Silverthorn visited his home and said that he had proof of the bribery, having been offered $750 himself. Short, being a new member of the House, like Silverthorn, suggested that they consult with Wolfe, the leader of the bill’s opposition. Wolfe advised Silverthorn to act as detective and Short didn’t see him again until Silverthorn had obtained the from Kemble to Davis, which mentioned that Silverthorn would try to pair Short with Kincaid. Short said he refused. 

The vote on the bill was taken and Silverthorn voted yes, this being a bit suspect, but it went along with the plan the three men had devised. A few days after the vote, Wolfe announced to the members of the House that Rumberger and Silverthorn had been bribed and that Wolfe would call for an investigation. 

Short asserted that the plan all along had been to catch the dishonest member of the House. He said, “Our motives were of the best, and I defy the most rigid investigation. For years it has been a stigma to our State that corruption has run riot in her Legislative halls. We had an honest purpose to remove the blot. To do so, exposure was necessary, and some of us had to play the part of a detective. It was not a pleasant thing to do, and I glory in Mr. Silverthorn as my colleague from Erie county for his courage and integrity. Instead of being traduced, he deserves the thanks of every taxpayer and pure-minded man in the State.”

After the riot bill failed, Allegheny County initiated individual suits to try and recover the losses. On October 7, 1879, the Erie Morning Dispatch reported that the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled against Allegheny County in a case in which the County was the plaintiff. The ruling set a precedent and would be used in all other cases in which Allegheny tried to recover losses from other entities. The court reasoned that Allegheny County didn’t do enough to control the mob in the first place, which then made it necessary for the National Guard to step in. Where Allegheny County called the mob insurrectionists, the Supreme Court called it a mob. The inaction of the County resulted in Pennsylvania freight not moving and many perishables being spoiled while other freight was looted. It was acknowledged that the citizens and employees were angry with the Railroad for its policies that were unfavorable to Pittsburgh and resulted in poor treatment of the employees.

In January of 1880, Allegheny County started paying claims related to the riot, oftentimes negotiating down the requested amounts. The County had to issue bonds to pay the claims.

The Riot Bill Bribery Trials

Although the bribery trials were scheduled to begin in November of 1879, they actually did not start until March of 1880. Myron Silverthorn would be a prime witness, and in December, Rumberger showed up in Erie with two detectives trying to dig up dirt on him in an attempt to discredit his testimony. He was back again in February, but it seems he wasn’t successful.

On March 9, 1880, the Erie Morning Dispatch listed the indictments against Clarke, Leisenring, Long, McCune, Rumberger, Petroff, Shoemaker, and Smith as for corrupt solicitation of members of the Legislature. All of these, except Rumberger and Petroff, had their cases dismissed. Petroff stood trial and was found guilty. Crawford, Kemble, and Salter were indicted for corrupt solicitation and perjury. Crawford, Kemble, and Salter, along with Rumberger, pled guilty. Rumberger’s plea came as a surprise because he had stated he wanted a trial in order to vindicate himself. 

The cases that would have been the most interesting to Myron Silverthorn would be those of Kemble and Rumberger, the men whom he had testified against. The Erie Observer of March 18, 1880 reported that Silverthorn was gratified by the result of the bribery cases, but he would have liked to “see the whole affair exposed by trial.” The Erie Observer, being a Democrat-friendly publication added, “Of course we do not agree with Mr. Silverthorn in politics, but the Observer takes pleasure in giving him credit for his efforts in exposing fraud and preventing dishonest legislation.”

After their guilty pleas and Petroff’s verdict, Crawford, Kemble, Rumberger, Petroff, and Salter submitted applications requesting pardons prior to their sentencing date of March 29th. The Wattsburg Weekly Chronicle of March 25, 1880, ran an excerpt from the Erie Gazette, which surmised that those seeking pardon before their sentencing wished to save themselves from humiliation. 

The members of the pardon board were Charles W. Stone, Lieutenant Governor; Matthew S. Quay, Secretary of Commonwealth; Henry W. Palmer, Attorney General; and Aaron K. Dunkel, Secretary of Internal Affairs—all Republicans. Surprisingly, after what the Erie Morning Dispatch called a “protracted session,” the board refused the pardons. 

The convicted men did not appear at the sentencing, so their bail was forfeited and warrants were issued for their arrests. Less than a month later, though, they were all rounded up, either voluntarily or otherwise, and on April 26, 1880, the men were fined $1,000 and sentenced to one year solitary confinement at hard labor in the Eastern Penitentiary by Judge Pearson. 

Just a few days later, Governor Henry M. Hoyt and the pardon board intervened, claiming the men’s harsh sentences were unwarranted by the law and hinting at taking the matter to the Supreme Court. The men were released from prison, having paid their fines and costs and incurring a “disqualification from holding any office of trust or profit under the Commonwealth.” 

The Erie Morning Dispatch of May 1st expressed optimism that the result of the bribery scandal would be a reform of the corruption in Pennsylvania government. “Punishment was demanded, not so much on account of personal feeling against the accused as to break up the practice of legislative bribery, which threatened to assume alarming proportions, and when the sentence was pronounced against the Riot bill corruptionists, it was thought by the people that a great step had been taken toward the suppression of a crime which is especially dangerous to the welfare of society on account of the secrecy with which it is committed and the difficulties in the way of detection.”

Split Party and Career Sabotage

During the late 1870s, resentment was brewing among some Republicans of the dictatorial control over the party that was exercised by a few of the top politicians in the party. This resentment culminated in open revolt in 1882 when the reformers presented their own slate of candidates to the electorate, thereby splitting the Republican vote, and effecting Democratic victories in the elections for top state offices. There was only one slate of Republican candidates for the 1884 elections, so it appears that the enthusiasm of the reformers had begun to flag by then. 

In 1881, the reformers were officially known as the “Independent Republicans,” and Myron Silverthorn was one of them. On April 7, 1881, he abstained from voting with the Republicans for a resolution endorsing the attitude of the Republican senators in Washington. 

The coleaders of the reform movement in the House of Representatives were Charles S. Wolfe of Union county and John Stewart of Franklin County. Charles Wolfe declared himself an Independent Republican candidate for State Treasurer, and lost to the official Republican candidate, Silas M. Bailey, by just 6,000 votes. The rift in the Republican party grew wider (Stevens 1969).

The November 1, 1881 Erie Morning Dispatch had reported that Silverthorn had initially assured other Republicans that we could not support Wolfe, but finally clarified that he would. The newspaper referred to a trying emergency that Wolfe had provided assistance on, which obligated Silverthorn. This could be a reference to the riot bill affair. Little importance was placed on Silverthorn’s defection because it was thought that he would have little influence on other votes. The article contained an excerpt from the Erie Gazette, which stated that it had stood firmly behind Silverthorn even when he was criticized for playing the part of detective in the riot bill scandal. “But Mr. Silverthorn, by his present betrayal of the confidence to the party that has honored him with many official trusts, voluntarily gives point to the worst charges his enemies have ever made against him. While Mr. Silverthorn’s defection will add not strength to Mr. Wolfe, nor detract from that of Gen. Baily, it will react upon himself with disastrous effect, both personally and professionally.”

The Independents, also known as the Wolfe Republicans, gained strength and held their own statewide conference in January 1882 to review the Republican party’s role. Then, they called their own convention to nominate a state ticket. This alarmed the Regular Republican forces who tried to conduct “peace resolutions” with the Independents. They agreed to allow the rank and file more say in the management of the party rather than the dictatorship of a few. The Independents were suspicious and announced that they would oppose the work of the upcoming May 10th Republican convention if it didn’t nominate someone free of the “inequities of bossism” (Stevens 1969).

The Erie Morning Dispatch reported on May 27th that Silverthorn had been a delegate to the recent Independent Republican convention in Philadelphia. The newspaper criticized him for recently having supported the regular Republicans, accusing him of trying to be appointed a delegate to their convention, too. Silverthorn countered was that he actually supported the Regular Republican’s gubernatorial hopeful General James A. Beaver, whom he knew personally and respected. The newspaper reasoned that the Erie County failure to elect him as a delegate pushed Silverthorn further to the Independent side. 

In a June 7, 1882 letter to the Erie Morning Dispatch, Silverthorn stated had written to some of the committee for their support in becoming a delegate and received a favorable response from all. He claimed he did so to try to create harmony between the two factions. He wrote that he realized after reading an editorial claiming that he was making a mistake in attempting to become part of the Republican “machine,” he asked his supporters to withdraw his name from the Regular Republican convention and entered a request to become a delegate for the Independent convention. 

The Regular Republicans had thought that their choice of General Beaver, a war hero, highly respected across the state Governor, would satisfy the Independents, but it did not.  Although Beaver was held in high regard, the Independents saw his nomination as having been at the direction of J. Donald Cameron, a U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania known for his boss politics, rather than by the members of the party. The Independents presented their own candidate, State Senator John Stewart. Predictably, the split resulted in the Democrat, Robert Pattison, winning the election (Stevens 1969).

Myron Silverthorn probably destroyed his future in elective politics when he associated himself with Wolfe during the riot bill controversy. The old guard Republicans couldn’t keep him off the 1880 ticket because of the publicity generated by that bill, but the publicity subsided by 1882, so they could—and did—remove him from the ticket for that election year. 

Silverthorn’s Post-Legislative Career

After Myron Silverthorn left Harrisburg legislature, he resumed attention to his farm in Fairview. He was engaged with the Farmers Mutual Insurance Company, serving on the executive committee and also as manager for the tenth district, which consisted of Fairview and Franklin Townships. The officers of the company assessed policy holders individually at the end of each year based on claims and the company’s expenses. 

Silverthorn also remained active in the Republican party, which had reunified by 1884. During the Erie County Republican convention, Silverthorn served on the “committee of resolutions” which were adopted “with ringing cheers.” One of the resolutions asserted that although Chester A. Arthur’s duties during his term as president of the United States, after the assassination of James A. Garfield, had met with their approval, the committee pledged support to the nomination of James G. Blaine, whom they had endorsed for years. Blaine defeated Chester Arthur for the nomination, but the winner was Grover Cleveland.

In the early 1890s, Myron was still involved in politics, being listed among the Republican delegates who went to Harrisburg, and he capped off his long public career with a position that was quite visible in the community, that of superintendent (steward) of the Erie County Almshouse.

Also known as the poor house, the almshouse was located near West 23rd Street and Pittsburgh Avenue in Millcreek Township on more than 100 cultivated acres, referred to as the poor farm. The produce from the farm helped feed the residents of the almshouse. The sprawling almshouse was four stories tall and could accommodate 270 residents. The structure’s center contained an apartment for the steward and his family. 

On January 6, 1892, the Erie Daily Times announced Silverthorn’s upcoming April 1 appointment as steward at the “county home” and recounted his county commissioner and legislative history. It credited him with being a farmer of “more than ordinary ability” and a public servant for more than half a century. The article recalled that in Silverthorn’s first term as commissioner, he and his colleagues dogged the county treasurer, who had defaulted in the amount of $30,000, until the amount was satisfied. “He also created a sensation by bearding the poor directors who supposed they had unlimited powers.”

By June, the local newspaper reported that things at the county home were in “fine running order” with twenty acres of corn, twenty-two of barely, twenty of meadow, nine of potatoes, and six of garden. There were also fourteen cows and six horses on the property with twenty-five “inmates” working on the farm. The article reported that the fences and buildings were in excellent repair and that the farm would compare with the best in the state.  

Just three years later, Silverthorn found himself in the hot seat when a well-known Erie painter checked in at the county almshouse for care during a bad attack of rheumatism. He reported severe neglect and bad food. His doctor advised that he stay a week, but he sprung himself after just a few days. 

This was apparently not the only negative report coming from the home and Silverthorn wrote a letter to the Directors of the Poor requesting an investigation with the next grand jury. “The best interests of the institution and justice to myself demand this action.” The board agreed.

The grand jury investigated Silverthorn on six charges, including neglect of duty, exceeding authority, brutal treatment of inmates, and poor management of the books. Not one of the charges was proven, with the only advisory being the suggestion that the “poor house” and “poor farm” books be kept separate for better accounting.

When a grand jury inspected the almshouse in May of 1897, it found the facility to be “in proper and perfect condition and the inmates well cared for and as contented as might be expected under the circumstances, and credit is due Mr. Silverthorn, steward, for the efficient services he renders the county in such position.”

Two months later, Silverthorn announced his retirement citing his own, and his wife’s ill health. Myron had suffered a stroke and was seventy years old by this time. The Erie Morning Dispatch reported on July 13, 1897 that during Silverthorn’s time as steward of the almshouse he had, “placed the farm and buildings in first class condition” and that his term of service had been, “a quiet and well-ordered one.”

On January 18, 1899, Myron’s wife, Mary Ann died after an extended illness. Myron followed on May 9, 1899. The May 11th Erie Daily Times surmised that his five-year term as superintendent at the almshouse had hastened his demise. The article also recalled his long career as a public servant, devoting a fair amount of the article to the riot bill. “Silverthorn was very largely responsible for the defeat of the bill and his constituents from Erie county rewarded him with an overwhelming endorsement. Myron H. Silverthorn’s testimony was a very important factor in the conviction of Kembell and his gang. His honor and integrity were impregnable and no living man could point the finger of scorn or derision at Silverthorn.”

Myron and Mary Ann Russell Silverthorn are buried in Fairview Cemetery in Fairview, Pennsylvania.

Myron Silverthorn was a leader lived to serve first, sometimes enraging those who were threatened by his sense of justice. His willingness to rock the boat, if needed, ultimately cost him his elective political career but it also provided him with a record that stands out from those of most of his political contemporaries. 

References

Greenleaf, Robert K. 1977. Servant Leadership. New York: Paulist Press.

History of Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. 1888. Chicago: A. Warner & Co. 

Nelson’s Biographical Dictionary And Historical Reference Book of Erie County, Pennsylvania. 1896. Erie, PA: S.B. Nelson.

Stevens, Sylvester K. 1969. Pennsylvania–The Heritage of a Commonwealth. West Palm Beach, FL: The American Historical Company, Inc.

This post is based on the thorough research performed by my late uncle, Daniel S. Silverthorn. His research was performed through many hours at the Erie County Library. He gave me his binder full of printouts from microfilm and also a document that he had written about Myron Silverthorn who is our ancestor (his great grandfather, my 2nd great-grandfather). With the benefit of digital newspapers, I was able to supplement my uncle’s research and the above blog post is a combination of my work and Uncle Dan’s. Several months before he died, he read it and approved.